Israel’s defense diplomacy faces mounting challenges in Europe
Italy, France and others signal growing discomfort with current policies.
Events in the Middle East are dense and fast-paced, and it is easy for a public flooded by the excitement and scandals of the moment to forget the past. For example, about 15 years ago, the ability of the Israeli Air Force to reach Iran’s nuclear facilities was far from obvious. Pilots were required to train on very long-range missions, practicing aerial refueling and dealing with countless potential malfunctions and disruptions. Preparations for a possible strike on Iran also included training flights in vast airspace made available at the time by Israel’s ally, Turkey.
When Turkey later reversed its policy toward Israel and diplomatic relations deteriorated, the Air Force moved its training to Italy. Israeli fighter jets landed at Italian air bases, including one on the island of Sardinia, and conducted air combat drills and complex refueling exercises in Italian airspace, flying at speeds of up to 800 km/h.
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Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni (right) and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz.
(Photos: Remo Casilli/Reuters, Ebrahim Noroozi/AP)
These joint Israeli-Italian air exercises were part of a broader security framework based on agreements and understandings between the two countries, which later paved the way for a series of defense deals benefiting both Israeli and Italian industries. In the early 2010s, the Israeli Air Force sought to modernize its training fleet, replacing its aging Skyhawk aircraft with Leonardo’s M-346 jets in a deal worth more than 6 billion shekels. As part of the agreement, Italy committed to reciprocal purchases from Israel, including a reconnaissance satellite from Israel Aerospace Industries and two advanced airborne early warning and control aircraft based on the Gulfstream G550 platform.
A few years later, another significant deal was signed, under which Leonardo supplied 12 helicopters for training Israeli Air Force pilots. In return, Italy agreed to purchase Spike anti-tank missiles from Rafael and flight simulators from Elbit Systems.
Last week, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni announced the freezing of an agreement governing security cooperation with Israel. The agreement is typically renewed automatically unless one party requests a review. The Italian move was presented as a protest against Israel’s strikes on Hezbollah in Lebanon.
In Israel today, there is little visible diplomatic effort to manage such tensions. Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar downplayed the Italian decision, arguing that Israel does not have a formal security agreement with Italy but rather an outdated memorandum of understanding.
Had he consulted defense officials, his response might have been more measured. Italy is a significant European power, and the two countries share longstanding strategic interests. A more restrained diplomatic tone might have better reflected the importance of the relationship.
Israel’s defense industries are not experiencing a downturn, yet since the outbreak of the October 7 war, several major deals worth hundreds of millions of dollars have been delayed. Italy remains an important market, but maintaining such relationships requires sustained diplomatic engagement.
Sa’ar’s remarks come alongside broader tensions with European partners. In recent weeks, Israel’s Defense Ministry announced a suspension of security ties with France. Unlike Italy, the security relationship with France is more limited, and the move was widely seen as largely symbolic.
In two months, France is set to host the international defense exhibition Eurosatory, a major event for the global arms industry. Israeli companies are currently preparing to participate, although uncertainty remains. In recent years, the French government has made participation more difficult for Israeli firms, citing the war in Gaza and criticism of Israeli policies. Some view these steps as part of a broader effort to limit Israeli competition in Europe’s defense market.
Israel’s response has been constrained, in part due to France’s control over key airspace routes used for transporting military equipment.
Tensions have also surfaced with other European countries. About two weeks ago, Israel expelled Spanish representatives from a military-civilian coordination center in Kiryat Gat, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu describing the move as a response to Spain’s political stance against Israel. More recently, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich sharply criticized German Chancellor Friedrich Merz following comments about violence in the West Bank and opposition to annexation.
This comes despite Germany being one of Israel’s closest defense partners, including major purchases such as the Arrow 3 missile system in a deal worth $7 billion, and its support for Israel within the European Union during the war in Gaza.
Looking ahead, the possibility of extending the ceasefire with Iran, alongside the ceasefire in Lebanon, could shift attention back to Gaza, where Hamas remains in control and has shown signs of regaining strength despite Israeli efforts to weaken it.
If Israel’s defense industries have seen a partial normalization in Europe in recent months after a period of strain, a renewed escalation in Gaza could reverse that trend. The result may be deeper political isolation at a time when Israel’s diplomatic standing is already under pressure.
